Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica
<p>La rivista accoglie nelle sue pagine ricerche individuali originali e specifiche, anche interdisciplinari. Quasi tutti i fascicoli sono costruiti intorno a un tema monografico, se non interamente almeno per la sezione principale.</p>Sapienza Università Editriceit-ITDimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica1125-517XLe culture politiche della sinistra italiana e l’integrazione europea negli anni Ottanta*
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1702
<p>Il saggio illustra le ragioni, i contenuti e gli obiettivi della sezione monografica<br>Le culture politiche della sinistra italiana e il processo di integrazione europea negli<br>anni Ottanta. Nella prima parte, le vicende che caratterizzano la variegata galassia<br>della sinistra italiana nel “lungo decennio” Ottanta vengono contestualizzate<br>all’interno del dibattito storiografico sull’Italia contemporanea e, in particolare,<br>in relazione all’acquisizione negli ultimi venti anni del nesso nazionale-sovranazionale<br>come chiave di lettura interpretativa della storia italiana. Nella seconda<br>parte, che verte maggiormente sul tema “Europa” e sulle dinamiche comunitarie<br>nel decennio in questione, i dodici contributi che compongono la sezione sono<br>esaminati e messi a confronto per fornire un quadro d’insieme e per enucleare i<br>temi e le questioni principali da essi affrontati.</p>Stefano MangulloGiulia Vassallo
Copyright (c) 2024 Stefano Mangullo, Giulia Vassallo
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2023-11-282023-11-28173210.13133/2723-9489/1702Globalizzazione, costruzione europea e moneta unica
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1704
<p>signing of the European Single Act, caught the Italian left in the midst of a political<br>and cultural transformation that was as ambitious as it was full of unknowns.<br>Communists and Socialists became aware, around the mid-1980s, of the importance<br>of Europe as an external constraint of national government and, at the same<br>time, as a tool for moderating the impact of globalization on nation-states. The<br>antagonism between the PCI and the PSI on the national level did not prevent<br>the ripening of a long-distance discussion on some of the main issues concerning<br>the reform of the European community. In these years, monetary policy, in particular,<br>was the catalyst for the reflections of economists, technicians and party<br>intellectuals from these two political areas, who debated about the prospect of<br>a “phase two” of the European Monetary System as a premise for bolder developments<br>toward the political and economic unity of the Europeans. The article<br>reconstructs this debate, highlighting both its potential and limits, against the<br>backdrop of the closing phase of the Cold War and the transformations taking<br>place in the international economy.</p>Andrea Guiso
Copyright (c) 2024 Andrea Guiso
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2024-11-202024-11-201336610.13133/2723-9489/1704Bettino Craxi e la Comunità europea negli anni Ottanta
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1705
<p>The article examines Bettino Craxi’s stance towards European integration. After<br />becoming secretary of the Italian Socialist Party in 1976, Craxi advocated for<br />a “social Europe”, where the European Community would address unemployment<br />and promote the equal distribution of wealth. However, while serving as<br />Italy’s Prime Minister (1983-1987), Craxi set these goals aside. His engagement<br />with the Community’s affairs was largely influenced by circumstances such as<br />the British rebate, the defence of Italian agricultural interests within the CAP,<br />and the Single European Act. It was only after his time at Palazzo Chigi that<br />he returned to the subject of the social dimension of the EEC. This led him<br />to express many reservations about the “neo-liberal” character of the internal<br />market and the European Union created by the Maastricht Treaty.<br /><br /></p>Daniele Pasquinucci
Copyright (c) 2024 Daniele Pasquinucci
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2024-11-202024-11-201678410.13133/2723-9489/1705Il PSI e l’europeismo: dal Midas a Maastricht (1976-93)
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1706
<p>The essay, which opens with a reflection on the roots of socialist Europeanism<br />and draws also from unpublished archival papers, addresses the theoretical propositions<br />and practical initiatives of the PSI to promote the process of European<br />integration. The period under consideration starts with the election of Bettino<br />Craxi to the secretariat of the party and ends in 1993. This was a year in which,<br />after the end of the so-called First Republic followed the conclusion of the Cold<br />War, Europe was changing its face as a consequence of the Maastricht Treaty.<br />Despite the presence of significant innovations, from the reflections of PSI leaders<br />and like-minded intellectuals (Mario Zagari, Gaetano Arfè, Antonio Giolitti,<br />Giorgio Ruffolo, Michele Achilli and Craxi himself) emerge contradictions<br />and problems that, still today, weigh on the operation of the European Union,<br />with particular reference to both the complex relationship between the people<br />represented and their representatives, and the great difficulty of building a common<br />identity among the citizens of different countries to meet the challenges of<br />the globalized world.</p>Andrea Ricciardi
Copyright (c) 2024 Andrea Ricciardi
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2024-11-202024-11-2018511010.13133/2723-9489/1706Il rincontro: Altiero Spinelli ed il PCI fra gli anni Settanta ed Ottanta
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1707
<p>This paper analyses the last years of Altiero Spinelli’s political trajectory, focusing<br />on the European federalist leader’s rapprochement with the PCI in the late 1970s<br />and early 1980s. Starting positions were far apart: the Italian Communists had<br />arrived at Europeanism after a long reflection influenced by the coordinates of the<br />Cold War; Spinelli, persuaded in the past that the PCI would never fully embrace<br />that view, accepted to confront a world, that of Berlinguer’s PCI, which, at least<br />from the inside, was unknown to him. The research, in addition to bibliographic<br />sources, is largely based on the personal archival papers of the federalist leader,<br />some of his publications and the archive and press of the PCI.</p>Paola Lo Cascio
Copyright (c) 2024 paola lo cascio
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2024-11-202024-11-20111113010.13133/2723-9489/1707L’europeismo di Nilde Iotti negli anni della presidenza della Camera (1979-92)
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1709
<p>The essay examines Nilde Iotti’s contribution to the process of European integration<br>during her presidency of the Italian Chamber of Deputies (1979-92),<br>focusing on two areas of political-institutional activity: public discourse and interparliamentary<br>work. The analysis of the themes present in her public discourse<br>makes it possible to extrapolate the contents, the connections and, ultimately, the<br>meaning (also civil and pedagogical) of the Europeanism conveyed by the third<br>Office of the Italian State. The focus on interparliamentary work highlights the<br>commitment to the creation of a stable network among the national parliaments<br>of the EEC member states and between them and the European Parliament: an<br>area in which Iotti was active, moved by the conviction that the exchange of<br>experiences and, above all, the difficult but necessary search for common initiatives<br>and priorities were decisive factors for the democratic strengthening of the<br>process of European construction.</p>Stefano Mangullo
Copyright (c) 2024 Stefano Mangullo
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2024-11-202024-11-20113115210.13133/2723-9489/1709Europa, Stato sociale e rinnovamento del paradigma riformatore: la tormentata ricerca del PCI degli anni Ottanta
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1710
<p>the relationship between the goal of reforming the welfare state (and the social<br />compromise underlying it) in the elaboration of the PCI, as well as the objective<br />of rebooting the process of integration between the countries of the Old Continent,<br />capable of leading to a more solid “political Europe”. Far from being two<br />distinct and separate elements (perhaps true during previous historical eras, though<br />never clearly), in the 1980s these two issues became increasingly intertwined,<br />as public opinion and political debate identified in the European dimension the<br />place and space within which redefine the main features of the social model and<br />rethink a different and more dynamic balance between state, market and organised<br />social subjects.<br />Favouring the analysis of the party’s political culture, the article attempts to conduct<br />this reconstruction by carrying out a periodization in order to distinguish<br />three different phases of this relationship, within which the relations and the type<br />of intertwining between the two elements are defined, as part of the more general<br />strategic perspective and overall identity and political project of the party.</p>Mattia Gambilonghi
Copyright (c) 2024 Mattia Gambilonghi
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2024-11-202024-11-20115317610.13133/2723-9489/1710L’evoluzione dell’europeismo del PCI attraverso le campagne per le elezioni europee (1979-89)
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1711
<p>Considering the evolution of the PCI’s Europeanism means paying attention<br />to one of the aspects that have contributed to marking a culture, that of the<br />Italian Communist Party, which was continually committed to identifying the<br />modern features of a political project rooted in tradition. In this perspective,<br />the electoral campaigns for the European Parliament help us to understand how<br />crucial it was for the party to engage in the European context to face the main<br />political and economic emergencies of those years by re-proposing, at a supranational<br />level, the confrontation/clash between progressives and conservatives.<br />On the other hand, however, one can also identify in the PCI’s Europeanism<br />the sense of a national burden that weighed on the party, namely that of making<br />changes to the Italian system.</p>Simone Polidori
Copyright (c) 2024 Simone Polidori
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2024-11-202024-11-20117719210.13133/2723-9489/1711Con l’America ma più europei. Il contributo del PSDI alla vigilia dell’onore delle armi (1979-91)
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1712
<p>The article examines the debate of the Italian Social Democratic Party (PSDI) on<br />European integration in the years 1979-1991. At the time, the party experienced<br />a deep crisis, mainly in the field of legitimization and dialogue with the electorate.<br />The reviving of a pro-European tradition, the strengthening of its European<br />profile, the emancipation from an overly emphasized pro-Americanism, as well<br />as the strengthening of the dialogue with its continental counterparts, especially<br />within the Socialist International, became therefore assets to proceed with both<br />a “deprovincialization” of the party and a restoring of credibility. An attempt at<br />profound renewal that, however, was overwhelmed, together with the PSDI as a<br />whole, by the collapse of the “first Republic”. In this context, however, both the<br />individual experiences of Mauro Ferri and Antonio Cariglia within the European<br />institutions and the quality of the pro-European debate within the party between<br />1985 and the early 1990s remain certainly relevant.</p>Giulia Vassallo
Copyright (c) 2024 Giulia Vassallo
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2024-11-202024-11-20119322010.13133/2723-9489/1712Il “vincolo esterno”. L’Europa e il repubblicanesimo dopo Ugo La Malfa
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1713
<p>The essay analyzes the influence that the process of European unification had<br />on the Italian republican political culture in the 1970s and 1980s. In particular,<br />it focuses on the choice that the leader of the Italian Republican Party (PRI),<br />Ugo La Malfa, made in 1976 to enroll the PRI in the group of European Liberal<br />Democrats, in view of the first elections to the European Parliament. This<br />choice determined the limits within which the political line of his successors,<br />Giovanni Spadolini and Giorgio La Malfa, was defined. This decision was apparently<br />secondary, but it proved to be the heaviest and most lasting legacy left<br />by the old leader for his party.</p>Corrado Scibilia
Copyright (c) 2024 Corrado Scibilia
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2024-11-202024-11-20122123610.13133/2723-9489/1713Dalla “via americana” al “progetto gandhiano”: l’Europa dei Radicali (1979-89)
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1714
<p>From the late 1970s, the Radical Party’s anti-statism, anti-nationalism, and anti-<br />militarism evolved into a broader reflection on European integration. Although<br />aimed at preventing the European continent from becoming a peripheral area<br />at the mercy of the clash between the USA and the USSR, the Radicals’ vision of<br />Europe took shape primarily as a space and instrument for defending and spreading<br />democracy and the rule of law. For this reason, the Radicals believed that<br />Europe should interact also with actors beyond its geographical borders. Starting<br />in 1982, the leader Marco Pannella, a member of the European Parliament,<br />and subsequently the entire party, committed themselves to supporting Altiero<br />Spinelli’s initiative to have a “draft treaty for the European Union” approved<br />by the European Parliament. In the second half of the 1980s, this unwavering<br />commitment to a federalist evolution of European institutions not only implied<br />support for the United States of Europe project, but also influenced the Radicals’<br />pursuit of a transnational organizational and strategic dimension.</p>Lucia Bonfreschi
Copyright (c) 2024 Marco Di Maggio
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2024-11-202024-11-20123725610.13133/2723-9489/1714I Verdi italiani e il processo di integrazione europea fino alla prima metà degli anni Novanta
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1715
<p>The article analyses the emergence of visions, proposals and projects for European<br />integration within the Federation of Green Lists, focusing on the period<br />between the birth of the Green Lists in the mid-1980s and the first experience<br />of participation of Italian Green MEPs in the European Parliament, in the<br />newly created Green Group. From the Europe of Regions to the development<br />of a Eurofederalist proposal, thanks above all to the action of Adelaide Aglietta<br />and Alexander Langer in the European Parliament, the contribution intends<br />to present the main features of a pan-European green federalism, aimed at the<br />democratisation of the European Union, in a context marked by the end of the<br />Cold War and deep transformations in international relations between hopes<br />for peace and new scenarios of war.</p>Giorgio Grimaldi
Copyright (c) 2024 Giorgio Grimaldi
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2024-11-202024-11-20125727810.13133/2723-9489/1715La socialdemocrazia verso l’Europa: rappresentanza sociale e cultura politico-economica
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1716
<p>The present text utilizes a cross-disciplinary approach (economic history, institutional<br />history, political theories) and aims at providing a complex and longterm<br />approach to the interpretation of the sources. The European socialist and<br />workers’ movement ran into problems when the stagflationary crisis of the<br />1970s began calling the positive nature of unions’ bargaining power into doubt.<br />However, the sources, not to mention some aspects of the history of economic<br />theories, convey that the socialist and workers’ movement was able to foster significantly<br />innovative responses. The latter gradually convinced the SPD, which<br />between 1975 and 1982 had mostly resorted to mere anti-inflationary solutions.<br />Those responses were compatible with the twofold nature of a social movement<br />producing its own distinct recipes, and of an institutional mediator striking a<br />balanced compromise. Since the Maastricht treaty the technocratic demands<br />related to being an institutional mediator have gradually obscured those connected<br />to the nature of social movement.</p>Paolo Borioni
Copyright (c) 2024 Paolo Borioni
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2024-11-202024-11-20127930010.13133/2723-9489/1716«Un Historia over Annali del Seminario Romano»: gesuiti e celebrazione storiografica nella Roma barocca (1640-47)
https://rosa.uniroma1.it/rosa02/dimensioni_ricerca_storica/article/view/1717
<p>The article intends to explore the theme of historiographical celebration within<br />the Society of Jesus through the specific case of the Seminario Romano, founded<br />by the Pope but managed by the order. The main source analyzed is the unpublished<br />manuscript of the Annali del Seminario Romano, written by the Jesuit<br />Girolamo Nappi between 1640 and 1647. The work, which provides a very<br />detailed depiction of the institute, is part of the broader phenomenon of the historiography<br />of religious orders in the post-tridentine age. Particular attention<br />has been paid to the section of the Annali concerning the vite of model former<br />students, through which the author illustrates the values of the Societas Iesu.</p>Francesco Franconi
Copyright (c) 2024 Francesco Franconi
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2024-11-202024-11-20130333610.13133/2723-9489/1717